Wednesday, January 12, 2011 

Blood libels and alarm clock Britain.

If there was ever a better moment to contrast the difference in political rhetoric between the United States and our own benighted, septic isle, it must have happened sometime prior to the establishment of this blog. After all, how else do you react to criticism over your incendiary metaphors and campaigning, such as calling for Julian Assange to be hunted down and advising your supporters to reload rather than retreat or other than by suggesting that your enemies are committing a "blood libel"? Either Sarah Palin is even more phenomenally ignorant and crass than anyone could have possibly imagined, using phrases which she doesn't know the origin and long history of in an attempt to play the victim when six other people are dead, or as an evangelical Christian she's referring to the attempted murder of a Jewish woman in the sense that she's being smeared in a similar way to Jews have throughout the past 2000 years, first with being responsible for the murder of Christ, and more latterly with baking their passover bread with the blood of Christians, usually children.

The first explanation is the more palatable: she could well have plagiarised it from Glenn Reynolds, who also used it apparently without thinking much about its historical legacy in the Wall Street Journal. While some have quickly looked up other instances of commentators and politicians using "blood libel" outside of its anti-Semitic context, there's nothing to suggest it's even begun to become removed from its origins. Palin might have meant to use the phrase in its simplest terms, that she's been libelled due to the connections made between her and the attack on Giffords, yet any potential leader of a nation ought to be aware of other possible connotations of the words they use, or have them checked beforehand. That however seems to be absolute anathema to her: unwilling to admit she was wrong to use crosshairs on that now infamous image which Giffords herself criticised at the time for having potential consequences, she instead turned everything that has happened since Saturday back onto how badly she feels she's been treated. Given an opportunity to express humility or deliver a conciliatory message, to recognise or suggest that language on both sides might have gotten out of hand and that even though she bore no responsibility for Jared Lee Lougher's actions, it was time to tone things down, she rejected it entirely.

How very far removed from the latest cynical construction to describe those that politicians most want to appeal to back over here. We've had to put up with Ed Miliband's ludicrous "squeezed middle" for quite some time already, a corset that apparently all those earning between £16,000 (way below the average wage) and £50,000 (more than double the average) a year are being painfully constricted by, and now we've been presented with the "alarm clock Britons". Unlike Sarah Palin alighting upon a phrase that she thinks will sound good, you know as soon as you hear it that "alarm clock Britain" has gone before innumerable focus groups, all of whom despite doubtless secretly loathing it said that it was a fantastic description, either of them personally or of those other hard-working folk who get woken up at ungodly hours either by a hypnotic beep or the blasting white noise of a radio at maximum volume. It seems most likely to be a direct carry-on from that charming observation made by George Osborne about who he wanted to be supporting: the low paid worker going out in the dark, frustrated and angry at the blinds being pulled down at the house opposite.

As Paul Sagar notes, Nick Clegg's entire article in the Sun based around this mythical "alarm clock Britain", as well as containing even more cliches than the average football commentary, is all about creating dichotomies. While the likes of Palin just come right out and say just how much they hate those they're opposing and how what they're doing is ruining the country, we instead have Clegg celebrating the hard-working, sneering at those on "state handouts" (not benefits, which is a far less harsh way of describing those down on their luck or sick) and insulting Ed Miliband for err, being prepared "to hide beneath the duvet". The problem is that it's wholly unconvincing, as the derisory 11 comments the piece has received suggests, and that has to be partially because it's staggeringly obvious Clegg had no role whatsoever in writing it. Whether ghosted by a Sun hack or Andy Coulson, Sun readers know when they're being played or patronised: they might take such bullshit from an unsigned editorial, but not delivered to them as the authentic words of a politician. You can only create divisions properly when there's either real feeling or breathtaking cant behind the message: Clegg and almost all British politicians have absolutely nothing on our American brothers and sisters in that respect.

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Monday, January 10, 2011 

Action and reaction.

The attempted assassination of Gabrielle Giffords is, despite everything, a sign of the increasing disconnect between politicians and the commentariat, or whatever other name you want to give the paid blowhards along with grunting morons like myself. As others have already pointed out, while as a whole Giffords' fellow legislators and those looking to become elected representatives have condemned the attack and made no comment on the actual circumstances, from almost as soon as the news came through that a Democratic congresswoman had been shot some on the left were desperately hoping the person responsible to either be someone directly associated with the Tea Party movement or at least influenced by the rhetoric that has underpinned the populist right-wing opposition to President Obama.

As reprehensible as that seems, it's symptomatic of the way political debate within America has developed in recent years, just as much as it is of the violence that simmers barely beneath the surface of American society. The language and themes used, not just by the usual suspects of Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh and Bill O'Reilly, but by the actual politicians in the shape of Sarah Palin and Sharron Angle, the defeated Tea Party candidate who chillingly made reference to "second amendment remedies" should Congress continue the way it was going has gotten so out of all proportion it's impossible to condemn those who hoped their worst fears had been fulfilled. Giffords herself could not have said it better when she commented on the now infamous "crosshairs" map issued by Palin which literally targeted her: "They've got to realise there are consequences to that action". For all those on the right that are now crying foul over the left commencing an almost inevitable blame game, they seem all but unwilling to accept there are those out there that are prepared to make use of those "second amendment remedies" as a direct result of the hatred and rage they've had a significant hand in whipping up.

Jared Loughner in actual fact seems to be closer in political thinking, coherent or otherwise, to the likes of Timothy McVeigh than the small-government positioning of the Tea Party movement, although all such surmising is based on the small number of videos he posted on YouTube, along with a few threads on the abovetopsecret.com forums, mainly dealing with conspiracy theories or close to impenetrable musings on currency. The Southern Poverty Law Center suggests that his unusual use of grammar and sentence structure could be linked to David Wynn Miller, an extreme right-winger with original views on how the government controls people through the use of language; it strikes me more that it may well be a symptom of a mental disorder, or an example of autistic-type behaviour than anything more sinister. How much bearing ideology, if any, had on his actions we may well never know properly, yet something undoubtedly prompted him to plan the assassination of Giffords specifically, whether it was a failure to reply to his ideas or his lack of satisfaction at an original meeting with her. Alternatively, as a friend suggests, he may well have just been out to cause utter chaos, and saw the perfect opportunity in murdering a member of Congress and the other people with her.

For if it hadn't been for Gifford and the apparent chance presence of Judge John Roll, it seems doubtful that a similar massacre would have made much waves internationally. The sad fact is that such mass killings in America have become wearingly familiar; it takes a large number of casualties, or for a school to be the target as it so often has in the past for it to get attention elsewhere. Those of us who live in countries where gun ownership is rare and highly controlled can't really even begin to understand the politics of the issue in the States, and how the connection between the murder rate, number of such mass shooting incidents and the easy availability of deadly weapons hasn't resulted in some sort of radical change, regardless of the second amendment. Indeed, the increasingly proposed solution is to routinely arm more rather than fewer people, supposedly to stop such spree killers in their tracks. Nothing more epitomises the suicidal tendencies of American culture than the putting of the right to bear arms above the right to live in something approaching safety, and the only thing we can do is watch from a distance as the apparently inevitable happens on an increasingly regular basis.

The other thing we can state with certainty is that this is only a lull in the use of violent, even murderous political language. The left now has its attack dogs just as the right does: the likes of Keith Olbermann can at times be just as incendiary as their counterparts, although he promised at the weekend to tone down his own rhetoric at the same time as he demanded the likes of Palin and others to repudiate (or refudiate, in Palin's parlance) their past comments, something probably to be forgotten as soon as Giffords begins to make a slow recovery.

Hillary Clinton once described the efforts to impeach her husband as a vast right-wing conspiracy. As overblown as characterising it in such terms was, if anything Barack Obama has faced an even more virulent opposition, disconnected and disparate as it is. Regardless of who Obama eventually faces in his re-election battle, it would be foolish to believe there won't be a re-emergence of the same blood-curdling denunciations of the past three years come next year. The real question is just what could tone down the visceral loathing the broad left and right increasingly have for each other, and the answer to that is even more inscrutable than ever.

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