Wednesday, July 15, 2015 

The Tories' new settlement: much the same, just even more dickish.

Following the budget, George Osborne boasted of what he described as "the new settlement".  A pay rise, but only once the wasteful merry-go-round of tax credits had been curtailed.  A budget for the workers, but only for those the Tories deem to be workers.  If you claim any sort of in work benefits, you're not a worker.  If you work in the public sector, you're not a worker.  And if you're a trade union member, regardless of whether you work in the public or private sector, you're also not a worker.

Sajid Javid could not have made this any clearer in his comments on the Trade Union Bill.  "Trade unions have a constructive role to play in representing their members’ interests but our one-nation government will balance their rights with those of working people and business," he said.  Working people simply cannot be trade unionists.  Trade unions cannot have the same interests as working people.  Such is the Tories' new settlement.  Think you knew divide and rule before?  They haven't even got started yet.

If the motives behind the Tory attempt to define Labour as the party of welfare rather than work and to make striking as difficult as possible are obvious and ever so slightly more calculated.  To start with, if they hadn't been tipped off to it before, the near 4 million votes for UKIP at the election have alerted them to the benefits of acting like an entitled bunch of shits just for the sake of it.  Do things that are utterly pointless, even self-defeating, but which appeal to those who are very much impressed by such things, especially if they involve active cruelty or harm to people they detest.  Why else would the Tories have tried to "reform" the ban on fox hunting, which has never been any such thing?  It's not going to win them any extra votes; they're already more than sown up.

Attacking the trade unions then serves multiple purposes.  It appeals to all those people who complain as though their lives will never be the same as a result of a single day of industrial action, having to cycle to work instead of taking the tube the equivalent of being waterboarded.  All but needless to add, it's also completely unnecessary: the number of working days lost to strike action remains historically low, in spite of the huge amount of job losses in the public sector post-2010, with more still come, not to forget continuing wage restraint.  Trade unions are however one of the few vehicles for opposition to austerity and the government, even if said opposition has not exactly led to a change of policy.  The less effective unions are, the fewer members they will have, and in turn the less money likely to go towards funding the Labour party.  The mooted change to the political levy, asking all members if they want to pay it regardless of whether their union is affiliated to Labour or not is nothing less than a direct attack on the party's existence.  The Tories are not satisfied with Labour's current enfeebled state, without a clue as to where to position itself; they want to destroy it utterly.

Except in its current form the bill is almost certain not to pass.  Having been forced to row back on votes on English votes for English laws (EVEL), the Human Rights Act and yesterday a simple free vote on an amendment to the Hunting Act, the chances of getting it through parliament, let alone the Lords are slim.  A bill as draconian as this is hardly going to sit well with the moderate Tories, nor is it guaranteed the Democratic Unionists will support it, lack of DUP support for EVEL having lead the government to postpone the legislation until at least September.  If the Tories did somehow manage to get it through the Commons without concessions, they might just be able to get away with using the Parliament Act to bypass the Lords as imposing a threshold on participation in strike ballots was in their manifesto, ala the Salisbury convention, but only at a second attempt.

Not that this may matter much in the end, bearing in mind how the vote on fox hunting was abandoned.  In an act of the utmost cynicism and opportunism, the SNP made clear it would vote against the amendment, regardless of how it would all but bring the English law into line with the Scottish one.  Nicola Sturgeon justified the SNP breaking its usual rule of not voting on English only matters on the grounds David Cameron had not shown enough respect to the party on the day of its daughter's wedding "party's mandate".  The only plausible response to this ought to be "aw, diddums", but it's difficult to mock when the SNP and Tories are so clearly set on fracturing the union and stuffing Labour at the same time, such have been the tit for tat manoeuvres on EVEL and now hunting.

It took some chutzpah for Mhairi Black to then "reach out a genuine hand of friendship" to Labour in her unbelievably overrated maiden speech, the reaction to which seems more attributable to the dog walking on its hind legs principle than due to its actual quality.  If that's barnstorming, I sure wouldn't want to see barn-entering.  Black of course knows full well there is no chance whatsoever of a relationship she neither expects nor wants, such are the wounds that have been left by the independence referendum, not so much the election result.  Nor is there any point to opposition for opposition's sake: if she and the SNP want to waste their time trooping through the same lobby as Bill Cash in an attempt to defeat the government on a motion that would have made winning a referendum to stay in the EU that bit harder, that's up them.  Such though is the way otherwise pointless acts have come to mean something to SNP supporters and those who see themselves as ignored and discriminated against alike; such is the way Labour is being squeezed from both sides, unable to find a way to escape from the closing trap.

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Tuesday, March 11, 2014 

Bob Crow has the last laugh.

It can mean only one thing when someone few had a good word for while alive is praised to the skies when they pass on: those making the tributes are glad their adversary is gone. The political figures marking the untimely death of Bob Crow know that the most visible and effective trade union leader in a generation will no longer be there to call their boneheaded, knee-jerk anti-worker nonsense out for exactly what it is.

There is little in politics that inspires hatred quite like success.  Time after time, thanks to knowing when to fight his battles and also, admittedly, due to how the RMT was one of the few unions left with the power to gridlock parts of the capital if it is so wished, Bob Crow succeeded in either saving the jobs of his members or improving their pay and conditions.  As is now only being made clear in the obituaries, he combined his outward militancy and apparent obstinacy with a willingness to compromise once the RMT had succeeded in getting the employers to the negotiating table. This was precisely what happened after last month's 48 hour tube stoppage: it was only once the strike started that there was any movement from London Underground Limited.

For doing his job well he was naturally vilified, albeit only by the ever backwards looking right-wing press, with the Tories following closely behind.  Constantly wanting to relive what they consider their past glories, believing that the overall fall in union membership obviously means that everyone hates the unions as much as they do, they only made themselves look ever more foolish.  It reached the stage last month when every time Boris Johnson appeared it was pointed out that if the same rules he demanded for unions, of a 50% support threshold for a strike to go ahead, were applied to the mayoral election then he wouldn't have won outright either.  As for the media, much the same was the case when journalists desperately tried to find commuters outraged at not being able to use the tube for a whole 2 days, amazed that the majority seemed sympathetic towards the opposition to the closing of ticket offices with staff being made redundant.

Not that even the likes of the Graun were averse to making it personal.  That despite earning £145,000 a year Crow continued to live in a council house was apparent evidence of his hypocrisy, as though his moving out would make the slightest difference to available housing stock or stop his political opponents attacking him.  Nor should he have gone on holiday just days before the strike when the paparazzo were just bound to follow him, instructed to follow an overweight middle-aged man to Brazil rather than do their usual job of sticking camera lenses up celebrities' skirts.

Crow's legacy ought to be obvious.  Far from him being the last of his kind, what's needed now more than ever are union leaders who aren't afraid to stand up for their members, who will make the case for the working classes, and who will fight for solidarity in the 21st century against those who all but suggest such organisations are no longer needed.  Also apparent is the Labour party is no longer the vehicle for such a stance, an indictment of where the party has ended up.  When Boris Johnson can make an on camera tribute, it is the height of cowardice for Ed Miliband not to, out of some apparent perverse fear that it will be later used against him.  Crow would have laughed at such behaviour, just as he so often had the last one.

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Tuesday, September 10, 2013 

Boring, boring Labour.

Considering the BBC's problems at the moment, it wasn't the best idea for the new Newsnight editor to "accidentally" tweet how boring Rachel Reeves was on the programme last night.  That no one who actually saw the segment featuring the Labour shadow treasury spokesman could possibly disagree doesn't matter when this was quite obviously bias in its most latent form, and the party richly deserved the apology it quickly received.  Little things like objectivity simply don't enter into such proceedings.  True, the fault doesn't so much lie with the person as it does with Katz and his underlings: Reeves has never been anything other than stultifingly dull; expecting her to have suddenly become devastatingly witty and incisive in analysis was asking a bit much.

The problem for Labour is that Reeves is the rule rather than the exception. For all the silliness of the summer and whispering against Ed, the party appears listless.  If it wasn't for Ed Balls, Andy Burnham and Chris Bryant, all of whom, love them or loathe, can make an impact, things would be even worse. With the party having to drop the investigation into what did or didn't happen in Falkirk after those accusing Unite of skulduggery withdrew their evidence, it looks increasingly like the response from the party had been drawn up for just such an eventuality. Unable to back down without giving yet more ammunition to the Tories, having pretty much put a "kick me" sign on their own backs already, the media were clearly hoping Miliband was going to be received at the TUC much like a bank note campaigner at a police station.

Predictably enough, the brothers didn't oblige. Not that this was down to Miliband winning over his audience with the sheer force of his argument, as err, he didn't bother to make one.  Listening to Ed you wouldn't think this was about the breaking of the historic link with the unions, the very organisations that created the party in the first place; no, this was about a "change", an "exciting idea" that would lead not to 200,000 Labour members but 500,000, a genuine, living breathing movement!  Who could disagree with that?  How the "change" would work in practice, whether it would mean a funding shortfall for Labour or a loss of influence on either side wasn't up for discussion.

Instead Ed delivered what has become his standard speech.  Yes, the opening was lively enough, with a fairly spirited attack on Cameron for something he might have said, as frankly I can't recall Dave describing the trade union movement as a "threat to our economy", at least in those exact terms, but then it just descended into the One Nation mush that has become the Labour's leader boilerplate message.  We still of course don't know what a One Nation Labour party is, as it looks unbelievably similar to the one we had prior to Ed deciding appropriating the old Tory mantle was a good wheeze.  After all, the policies are the same, the ministers are the same, and the message is the same.  Ed could have delivered his speech today at any point this year or last, and yet the closing section seems like something approaching the sort of pitch Miliband will have to make prior to the election.  It doesn't just come across as that word, weak, it's completely and utterly lacking.

As George Osborne tried to set out yesterday, however risibly, the coalition now has that horrible thing, a narrative.  The recovery is real, Labour wanted us to change course, they can't be trusted.  It might yet become a bit more subtle, and it seems likely there's going to be some movement on living standards, whether through alterations to the minimum wage or otherwise, but that's essentially going to be the message over the next year and a half as long as the economy keeps growing.  It's still going to be an uphill struggle for the Tories to win a majority when the odds are stacked against them, yet stranger things have surely happened.  Miliband could be the next prime minister, but he's starting to leave it late on why he deserves to be and how his party would govern better than the current shower.  A good place to start would be sacking his current speech writer.  And letting Reeves loose on the TV sparingly.

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Tuesday, July 09, 2013 

The continuing triumph of the political class.

There are two explanations for Labour and Ed Miliband's panic over what happened in the candidate selection process in Falkirk, with Unite widely accused of trying to manoeuvre Tom Watson's parliamentary aide Karie Murphy into place.  Either the party genuinely has lost all self-control on the very first occasion that an accusation against Miliband has stuck, terrified at the prospect of the Tories constantly invoking Len McCluskey as the biggest bogeyman in British politics, his hand firmly wedged in Ed's bottom, or this is a plan that has long been in the works which has duly been dusted down and brought out, designed to deal with the "union problem" as some within Labour have come to see it.  Sunny, not normally prone to seeing conspiracies, points out how Labour seemed to want to stoke up the row with Unite last week rather than calm it down or put in perspective.  Miliband's hastily arranged speech today more than smacks of being a back-up left in reserve.

Quite how this has become a national issue at this precise moment is remarkable.  Local parties are overruled all the time over their choice of candidate, or have apparatchiks parachuted in at the last minute.  There was just such an incident during the selection of Labour's candidate in the Rotherham by-election, while John Harris notes some other recent examples where the leadership's chosen candidate has resulted in grassroots anger.  The only distinguishing feature in Falkirk is that it's Unite that's been accused of trying to influence the selection, through not particularly subtle ways.  It's about as much of a reflection of the influence Len McCluskey has over Ed Miliband as it is of the power the mid-Bedfordshire constituency Conservative party has over Cameron through their continued support for Nadine Dorries.

We shouldn't get carried away, though.  No one wants to see a full break of the link between Labour and the unions, says Robert Philpot, director of the Blairite pressure group Progress.  Just because certain Labour MPs, like Simon Danczuk, think that the Labour left should be treated like the BNP for so much as disagreeing with the party line doesn't mean that they're out to get you personally.  That everyone has instantly reached for the "clause 4" analogy, and Blair himself has popped up to praise Red Ed, saying he wished he'd moved towards an opt-in rather than opt-out system for union affiliation doesn't mean that this was engineered as a "look how Ed is slaying the union dinosaurs and transforming his party" moment.  No, this was clearly cobbled together on the spur of the moment to ensure Ed doesn't go through another PMQ's where Cameron effectively spends the entire session just pointing and saying McCluskey over and over again.

Paradoxical as it seems, the changes set out by Miliband today are ultimately designed to increase the parliamentary party's control even further.  The suggestion of open primaries for the 2016 London mayoral election, for which David Lammy already seems a shoe-in, and other as yet unknown contests are there as window dressing.  As Mark Ferguson points out on LabourList, a spending cap for candidates and the unions/groups backing them sounds wonderful and fair, but it can also have the effect of giving a big advantage to the established/establishment candidates, stopping upstarts or late entrants from spending extra to get their name out there.

The message to the unions also couldn't be clearer: thanks for all the money down the years, but we've decided we don't need you any more. Far from this being about making a break with the "machine", an hysterical proposition when the entire shadow cabinet are products of it, making do with less from the unions has the same reasoning behind it as New Labour itself did. Even if you felt that the party had abandoned you, where else were you going to go? The far left is in even more disarray than usual, while the TUSC is an utter joke. It's us or bust, except now you won't have even the semblance of influence. It might eventually be a good change for both sides, but it certainly won't be initially.

When politicians retreat from offering a vision of a better future and instead only offer years of austerity and the dilution or abolition of hard won rights in order to "win the global race", all we get is the battles of the past, fought over and over again. The Tories are never happier than when recalling their sanitised history of the 80s, and so every union is the NUM, and every leader a baron, a Scargill in the making.  For a certain section of Labour, it will forever be the battle against Militant, with the Graun hilariously describing Neil Kinnock's speech in Bournemouth as one of the "greatest of the post-war period", and as a close second, the shaking off of the old dogma of nationalisation.  Those who otherwise hate Miliband are then naturally applauding what he's done today, even though next week they'll be back to bashing him again. 

While all these former glories are replayed, and as Chris points out, pretty much anyone under 40 now has only hazy memories of the miners' strike, normal people just see three parties that look much alike, against each other purely because they think they could manage things slightly better than their rivals.  It's not that ideology has died, as some would have us believe, or that right and left are now meaningless, it's that those who make up the political class have abandoned such labels because they're a part of the past they don't want to relive, when being either Labour or Tory meant something.  Now we all just pretend it does.

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Wednesday, June 29, 2011 

The need to break a political orthodoxy.

Want an example of just how limited our politics has become over the last 30 years? I've been racking my brains trying to recall a politician of any stripe in a position with at least a semblance of power, including those in the shadow cabinet or opposition frontbench, giving even the slightest amount of support to striking workers, regardless of whether the action was richly deserved and necessary or the exact opposite. I could well be completely wrong, but I simply can't remember any such examples: the closest perhaps was the sympathy shown towards the sacked Gate Gourmet workers, mainly due to the echoes of the Grunwick dispute, and even then actual support for the action wasn't forthcoming.

The victory over not just militant but trade unionism in general in this country has been so massive that we're often treated to the dismal sight of those on the supposed left admitting the Conservatives and Thatcher had been right and openly welcoming the demise of mass, or almost any action to save jobs and livelihoods. Globalisation, without question, has triumphed, and those few, mainly in the public sector who remain in a trade union can be dismissed as a dying breed, treated as an annoyance which can be swatted away. Those remaining few leaders who can be considered a success, mainly as a result of being able to bring the public transport system to a temporary halt are attacked in a similar, if far more visceral fashion, their own pay and conditions subject to the highest scrutiny.

At least, that's the overwhelming view of both the media and politicians, nominal left and right united. The Labour leadership regards the unions as an embarrassment and liability despite needing them to survive, while the Daily Mirror and Guardian might make sympathetic noises but like politicians hardly ever actually support strike action when it comes down to it. The Conservatives and the right-wing press it almost goes without saying want to constantly rerun the battles of yesteryear, hoping to finally grind the small rump of agitators remaining into the ground.

Where this leaves the view of the public themselves is more difficult to tell. They might no longer feel the need to join unions for the protection it provides in the numbers they once did, but they certainly aren't as immediately opposed to stoppages as politicians and the media echo chamber either seems to imagine or believes. True, it depends massively on how long the stoppages are and where they happen: the shut down of the public transport system or airports quickly tries the patience, and if the dispute is over the loss of a perk which disappeared elsewhere long ago then sympathy is always bound to be muted. They're also usually realistic about the temporary difficulties strikes pose: if it's just for one day, and persuades the management or government to return to the negotiating table, much can be forgiven.

The build-up to tomorrow's strikes has followed this modern pattern and orthodoxy to a dispiriting degree, with the government portraying the proposed changes to public sector pension schemes as a necessity regardless of the reality. Alan Hutton's report dispelled the myths that the schemes were "gold-plated" and increasingly unaffordable as society ages: the cost will in fact peak this year and then fall, even if only slightly, over the decades to come. All the tricks in the book have been used, whether it's been Danny Alexander's "surprise" confirmation of the changes regardless of the ongoing negotiations, David Cameron's patronising softly softly approach, Francis Maude's belligerence, Vince Cable's informing of those about to strike that they lack public support or Michael Gove's laughable advice to parents to break picket lines.

The right-wing tabloids for their part have employed hyperbole that would have come close to embarrassing Kelvin MacKenzie at the height of his pomp: the Sun has titled its campaign against the strikes "stop the summer of hate", although it seems to be the one providing it. Yesterday's editorial, supposedly an appeal to the "moderate majority" to keep schools open, denounced the unions for "dragging down standards in pursuit of clapped-out Socialist dogma" while hoping for victory against "Neanderthal union militancy". The one day strike "would harm pupils" and "damage our children's education", as though a few extra hours without the guiding hand of a teacher would permanently stunt their mental growth. Tomorrow's Mail meanwhile invokes the "Dunkirk spirit" to beat the union bullies. Anyone vaguely reasonable returning from an extended visit abroad would have thought the country had returned to the 70s, despite last year showing the least number of days lost to strike action since records began.

This isn't to suggest that the unions have conducted themselves in the best possible fashion and have been open to all possibilities of compromise. Some have been agitating against every single cut from the outset, which simply isn't realistic, while Dave Prentis's claim that this will be the longest sustained campaign of industrial action since the general strike was both unhelpful and a laughable exaggeration. The presentation of their case has been similarly poor, although when everyone is going to be affected differently it's always going to be difficult to provide an overall case for opposition. No one is objecting to the general retirement age increasing, but there have to be some sensible additional exceptions: expecting teachers or prisoner officers to work until they're 68 stretches credulity to breaking point.

The key to winning more support will almost certainly be through broadening the campaign: as Mark Serwotka argues convincingly, the real scandal remains private sector pensions, where the state will eventually have to pick up the pieces. It's in the government's long-term interest to not pursue a race to the bottom, as it currently seems determined to do, unsure of whether a fight with the unions would see a temporary boost in its popularity. For the unions to have an overall win would be to break all recent political orthodoxy; exactly why this deeply imperfect battle will be so vital.

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Monday, August 09, 2010 

The Public and Commercial Services Union gives the OK to the "grant monkey".

On Louise Perrett's first day working for the UK Border Agency in Cardiff, a manager stated that if it was up to him, he would take all of those claiming asylum and whose cases he was deciding "outside and shoot them". None of those in the office, another colleague said, were "very PC. In fact, everyone is the exact opposite." You don't, of course, have to be "PC" or even sympathetic towards those you're working with as long as the decisions you make are on the basis of the evidence available and not coloured by political prejudice. It doesn't however inspire confidence that such independent and carefully considered judgements were being made that whenever an asylum claim was accepted the person responsible for OKing the case had a stuffed toy gorilla placed on their desk known as the "grant monkey".

As it turns out that was the only allegation made by Perrett after she went public with her misgivings about the work being carried out by the UKBA in Cardiff which was fully substantiated. This wasn't though because Perrett was telling lies: instead, as the investigation into her claims admitted, it was due to how the Public and Commercial Services Union had "circulated advice" to their members all but urging them not to cooperate with the UKBA's professional standards unit's inquiry. Or as the union's Twitter account has it, the only response seemingly from the union to do with the report, PCS merely advised members to seek representation before going into any meeting". Representation which presumably involved telling them to take the fifth.

For an union which has an entire section on its website dedicated to every form of equality under the sun, it does seem somewhat strange that it made such a recommendation to its members when such serious allegations had been made against them. It boasts of being the fifth-largest union in the country, of campaigning for "equality in the workplace and beyond", although not it would seem when it would involve equality for those seeking refuge from persecution. Then again, Perrett was apparently advised if a case was "difficult", to simply refuse it and "let a tribunal sort it out", so the chances of many such decisions being made by front-line members seems to have been low in the first place.

Whether lessons will have been learned from the investigation into Perrett's experiences remains to be seen. The most concrete recommendation made involved "considering making it a disciplinary offence for failing to challenge inappropriate behaviour", the kind of sanction which would make anyone think twice before acting in a way similar to that which Perrett found to be the norm. Anyone expecting that perhaps the union might step into the breach and discipline members involved in such behaviour or even expel them, to provide a disincentive which the UKBA itself seems disinclined to set up would be doubly disappointed.

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Monday, September 14, 2009 

The unions, cuts, and Mandelson.

For organisations which once upon a time had their own newspaper correspondents, the trade unions increasingly resemble Christmas decorations: let out once a year and allowed to slightly sparkle for a few days, then packed away and forgotten about until the holiday comes around again. It's a shame, because what was once a debate that Labour were trying to define as "investment versus cuts" has become the word they dare not speak but which means cuts versus, as Peter Mandelson said today, in one of the more accurate statements from his speech at the LSE, "foaming at the mouth excitement" at scaling back the state.

Few outside left-wing circles will agree with Brendan Barber's delivery of his message at the TUC, but the arguments he makes are far more compelling. Already it's being moved to the back of our minds that this crash was caused by the failure of the private sector, not the public sector, yet it's the public sector which is now going to bear the brunt for the bailing out of the banks' rapacious business model. True, it can be argued that the public sector also failed in properly regulating the private sector, yet that's no excuse for the entirety of the punishment being inflicted upon the state. If the crash had affected the way that the top 100 companies do business, then there also might be an argument for recognising their changes in practices, yet today's Guardian survey of executive pay shows that while everyone else has been cutting back, they've awarded themselves a basic salary rise of 10%.

Barber notes that amid all the optimism of something approaching a recovery, this completely ignores that people are still losing their jobs, and doubtless will for some time yet to come. This is hardly the time to already be planning how many of those in reasonably "secure" jobs will be losing them in the near future. This isn't to pretend that cuts can't be made, or that tax rises alone will have to fill the gap: it's quite apparent that cuts are coming, starting preferably in those areas which Labour are thinking of broaching, such as tax credits for the already comfortably off and the end of universal benefits such as the winter fuel allowance. Trident and ID cards could both be easily scrapped, as could the NHS IT programme and many other IT schemes costing billions, although how much the former would bring in is still unclear, not to mention the ridiculous ISA vetting quango. The putting together of £50bn shopping lists of cuts though is verging on the obscene; tough choices are going to have to be made, but also key is that private is going to have to pay its share as well as the public.

Into this breach enters Peter Mandelson, former prince of darkness, now ostensible leader of Labour. That no longer seems to be hyperbole: his speech today at the LSE to the impeccably Blairite "Progress" faction was one which Tony Blair would have given without a second's thought, and indeed, could have been a Blair speech. It contained the same mixture of brilliance and obfuscatory nonsense which they had, if not the verb-less sentences which epitomised them. Why then was Gordon Brown not giving this speech which quite clearly either a chancellor or a prime minister should have given, rather than just a mere business secretary? The answer would probably be that Brown's real keynote address is tomorrow at the TUC, or at the fast approaching Labour conference, but it also seems to be because it was so out of step with Brown's former device of investment vs cuts as alluded to above. The one other major difference with the speech is that Blair wouldn't have been comfortable with even referring to himself or to his party as "social democrats", as Mandelson did repeatedly and pointedly. Just one abashedly dubious paragraph is this:

We reject the argument of those on the right who argue that the state is an obstacle to human freedom and who espouse a vision of the good society based on a smaller state, shrinking public services and essential support delivered somehow through the voluntary sector with top-ups and opt-outs for the wealthy few.

Except that New Labour hasn't rejected this argument: in both the NHS and the JobCentre system it has introduced both voluntary and private sector contractors to deliver "essential support", with no evidence whatsoever that it has saved money, in fact, when it comes to the independent treatment centres, quite the opposite. As ever, the devil is in the details: if it was true, then Mandelson would be onto something and it would be something to crow about, yet the emperor has no clothes.

Much of the rest is taken up with the return of the mantra of "reform", without Mandelson noting that the permanent revolution which was going on in the NHS up until after the departure of Patricia Hewitt from health secretary was one of the most unpopular things the government had done to the public services. It might have delivered the government's key targets, although how much they are worth is harder to quantify, but as a way to demoralise your workers it was an even greater success. Mandelson is sharpest, as always, when attacking rather than defending, but the very idea that the Tories will spend less and expect less is ridiculous: this is the party that believes that less is more. The left might still have in some quarters the better arguments, but the Labour's greatest failure is that it can no longer persuade anyone to listen.

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